The legislation is a powerful and increasingly flexible tool
in America in recent decades. The bosses of the five major mafia families in New York, for example, were all felled bycharges between the late 1980s and early 2000s. And it is not only useful against those at the top. In 2021 federal prosecutors in Brooklyn broughtcharges against the Colombo crime family, a mafia entity. The breadth of the legislation allowed prosecutors to levy racketeering charges against the boss and many of his underlings simultaneously.
Over time, prosecutors began targeting enterprises beyond the mob. In the late 1980s Rudy Giuliani—then Manhattan’s top federal prosecutor, having spearheaded the state’s mob-boss takedown—rocked Wall Street when he threatened two swanky investment firms withindictments. The threat of the law’s stiff penalties forced one firm to settle on lesser charges; the other collapsed after spooked investors fled.
She has done something similar with Mr Trump, positioning him as the kingpin of an enterprise that conspired to “unlawfully change the outcome” of the 2020 presidential election.
The 19 accused have until August 25th to appear before the court in Atlanta. Unlike the federal act, Georgia’s version ofcarries a minimum sentence , which might compel Mr Trump’s co-defendants to settle and co-operate rather than risk prison time. The outcome will be watched closely. Alan Dershowitz, a former law professor, once derided’s expansive powers as a “cheap” attempt by lawmakers to use “one statute to solve all the evils of society”.
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